The Maya People of Chiapas

This analysis pull up stakes crevice an assessment of the impact of globalization on the Chiapas Mayans, focusing on the responses of various activist groups and movements. To understand how globalization is impacting this culture, aspects of ecological orbit and social organization will also be turn to in addition to responses to the forces of globalization and modernization. A conclusion will address the likely success of such responses in achieving and maintaining topical anaesthetic autonomy and identity among the Chiapas Maya.

The highland Chiapas Nash visited in the 1950s were characterized by small-plot cultivators or "campesinos" and "artisans" who viewed their town as the heart of the world and what occurred in that location "defined their destiny and that of the cosmos" (Nash, 2001, p. xi). During the past few decades, the Chiapas Mayan artisans confound expanded their production to include the "international market" that showcases local traditions and provided cash income to residents (Nash, 2001, p. xv). Mayan farmers, however, have become increasingly involved in activism similar to the Bolivian tin miners observed by Nash in the 1970s. These arming movements and the mobilization of the campesinos were a reaction

Nash, J.C. (2001). Mayan visions: The quest for autonomy in the age of globalization. in the altogether York: Routledge.

Unlike the belief in witchcraft or different forms of mysticism that guided rebellions from early Mayan cultures, today's Chiapas Mayans demonstrate through aider politics and activist groups that include increasing participation of women who ploughshare equal work duties with men. As Nash (2001) explains, "The large participation of women in the march to Tuxtla Gutierrez to express their grievances was a growing feature of unfermented social movements sweeping through the state" (p. xvi).

Major forms of sparing interaction with the larger society have included efforts to take issue foreign penetration of the Chiapas economy with the Indian community component part to "define the national Mexican identity" (Nash, 2001, p. 41). Despite this, the PRI enjoyed world-shattering control of Chiapas and other states, continually encouraging dissent rest for "the nation" (Nash, 2001, p. 214). Efforts were undertaken to help embark on an economic polity of "redistribution," which the author maintains was in sharp contrast to the backward policies of neo-liberalism (Nash, 2001, pp. 78-79). nonetheless ultimately such economic interaction policies were only a pretense at redistribution of wealth, even though PRI programs that were hegemonic were countered by indigenista efforts to conduct elements of Mayan culture.

to increasing corporate national structures. As Nash (2001) notes, "The transformation in indigenous community relations with the state from a paternal but nonetheless exploitative relationship of dependency to a hostile standoff was ever more palpable to each one year" (p. xv).

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